The us of cell phone technology is increasing in Zimbabwe with nine in every ten people having access to a mobile phone. Making calls, receiving and sending text messages are some of the major uses of mobile phones. In a sample size of 1200 adults who took part in a survey conducted by Mass Public Opinion Institute (MPOI) in October 2012, nearly 24% of people have access to the Internet and they access the Internet using mobile phones. Of those interviewed 21% use the Internet for social media and 16% use it to get news.

Radio is still the leading source of information, and among the radio stations in Zimbabwe, the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation’s radio stations ranked as the most common source of information for public, political and current affairs in the country.

People in Zimbabwe place a lot of trust in information coming from schools and religious leaders both in urban and rural areas. But very few have trust in councils and government representatives as sources of information. Since its inception in 2009, the Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee remains unknown to about 62% of the people who took part in the survey, and in areas like Matebeleland North and South people had problems accessing JOMIC.

An overwhelming response from people who took part in the National Census show that almost every household was covered in the census as the country’s ten provinces scored above 90% in visits to households during the census.

As the nation prepares for elections 59% of young people interviewed are affiliated to a certain political party and Mashonaland Central recorded the highest number of youths who are active in party politics whilst Bulawayo youth have less interest as shown by a low figure of 36%.

However fear of political intimidation during election campaigns is still high and many young people are uncomfortable talking about politics. 71% think that in the event of political violence being perpetrated by any political party, reporting it to the police is the most effective way of dealing with the situation. 56% believe the police have the influence to stop violence.

A high percentage of young people interviewed strongly agree that women should have the same opportunities as men in getting elected to political office and of those who agree, 71 % also believe that women should have equal rights and should be treated the same as men.

On democracy and one party rule many youths denounce autocracy, 75 % disapprove of military rule and a majority believe open and regular elections should be used to choose leaders. A democracy with problems is how young people view Zimbabwe but youths are optimistic that five years from now the economy will be better with improved living conditions.

Yesterday, Zimbabwe’s Constitutional Court confirmed 31 July as the polling date for the country’s Harmonised Election. The Court’s decision was unanimous, and rejected all applications which had been pushing for an extension of the election date.

The election date case was being heard by the Constitutional Court because it was their decision of 31 May which created the 31 July deadline, which Mugabe responded to on 13 June, in the first place.

The push for the election date extension was motivated by several factors, including:

• The llegal act by President Mugabe which used the Presidential Powers Act to change the electoral laws
• The fact that the election date required nomination court to be held before the voters roll had closed, which is unprocedural
• The fact that the Global Political Agreement stated that election dates should be decided in consultation, not declared unilaterally as Mugabe did

However, as frustrating as yesterday’s decision is, it is not surprising. The government had several ways around the original Constitutional Court ruling. Amongst other things, the actual ruling says the President should proclaim the election “as soon as possible,” and  that it “should be” (note: not must be) held no later than 31 July. As Veritas points out, the President should have relied on the principle Lex non cogit ad impossibilia [the law does not require one to do the impossible].

Unfortunately, the President went ahead to declare an illegal and unconstitutional election date, and the Constitutional Court has confirmed that this date holds.

Last week, Zimbabwe’s political parties submitted their candidates at Nomination Court, though only the MDC led by Welshman Ncube has made its candidate list publicly available so far. Zanu PF and MDC-T are planning to launch their party manifestos this weekend.

So much for Morgan Tsvangirai’s promise that he “will not accept a situation where Zimbabweans will yet again be railroaded and frog-marched to another illegitimate election.” That is exactly where Zimbabwe is headed on 31 July.

I didn’t know whether to laugh or cry when I read that Dumiso Dabengwa, a man who I, along many others, respect a lot, said he had invited Welshman Ncube to lead Zapu!

Zapu of course being a project that has not hidden that its existence is informed by politics of the marginalization of Matebeleland by Zanu PF since independence in 1980.

It is one of those outfits which while having legitimate concerns about how Matebeleland has been treated by Zanu PF bigoted hegemony in the past 33 years, it has failed to sell this dream of self-determination to likewise embittered Mthwakazians.

The massive inroads Welshman Ncube’s MDC has made in the region and indeed across the country is just but testimony that regional parties still have a long way to go as far as stirring national loyalties are concerned.

And that’s exactly why Ncube has vehemently dismissed all claims that his is a regional party (he was referred by Mr. Prime Minister rather unflatteringly as a “village politician”) and will not contest for any lesser position other than President of the Republic of Zimbabwe.

So when Dabengwa is quoted as inviting Ncube to join forces with Zapu it raises questions about how politicians seek to participate and sneak into national politics and what constituencies they purport represent.

It has become an increasingly manifest trait that while being aware of their waning political fortunes, or indeed their irrelevance to national discourse, some have seen it fit to ride on the backs of what are seen as popular political movements, and a guy like Simba Makoni quickly comes to mind.

He was himself endorsed by Zapu during the 2008 elections, but their relationship is not being mentioned this year, and the two, Mavambo and Zapu, are instead aligning themselves to parties that have established themselves as formidable challengers to the two-party politics Zimbabwe has come to know.

It is curious then how these parties seek to participate in moving the country forward especially at this juncture where everyone is seeing this as yet another opportunity to end Zanu PF presence on Zimbabwe’s political landscape.

A contribution from a Kubatana member:

Reform traditional leadership. I think one of the key reforms necessary for a sustainable election in our country is traditional leadership reform. Most rural districts in the country are not free to exercise their rights due to the influence of traditional leaders. They execute their duties partisanly & are in political party structures which is unconstitutional.This raises suspicion from people of credibility of elections. The government & civic groups must engage traditional leaders & massively educate them about their role in the community & avoid being horse ridden by political parties.

Check out a recipe for free and fair elections published on Kalabash – from the streets to the web. Ingredients include:

4 tablespoons of dignity
A pinch of pride in Zimbabwe and the people outside of party politics
Half a cup of democratic processes
A splashing of reflection on the last decade
An ounce of foresight

The function of a civil resistance is to provoke response and we will provoke until they respond or change the law. – Gandhi