International Women’s Day (IWD) has just come and gone and after the fanfare, we are left to reflect more somberly on the issues still confronting us as women. In reflecting on our collective situation, l have decided to take a very different and very personal look at issues affecting women in Zimbabwe. Very often as activists there is the temptation to quote oft quoted statistics, to repeat phrases and slogans that while true, are now trite. Their over-use has somewhat desensitised people to the very important issues that we are confronted with. In most instances, we have removed the human face from the statistics and made them just numbers that we trot out. This IWD is especially important to me because a little later on in the month we are going to the polls to hopefully vote our next batch of leaders into power. I am sharing my story as a challenge to my fellow activists in civil society and to these would be leaders. To my fellow activists, the question is a simple one – are you asking the right questions of your friends who are running for political office? To the would be leaders; what are you going to do to address the problems that women face because they are women? For the full article please visit this link

Yesterday I received this on the ground report from Gerry Whitehead in Chiredzi. It makes for some interesting reading.

Husband and wife still prisoners
On Saturday I visited Digby and Jess Nesbitt who still cannot leave their home on their cane farm, this is because they know that if they do go into Chiredzi or visit friends, they will not be allowed back to their home and will loose all their possessions. Digby and Jess are looking stressed but are hopeful that the coming elections will be positive and bring the changes required to save Zimbabwe.

Shelves empty and no meal
The shelves are still empty in the supermarkets and there has been no meal (the staple diet) available for several weeks now, if you have a lot of money you are able sometimes to buy grain at $150 million a bucket from the councilors who get it from the Grain Marketing Board which is controlled by the ZANU PF government. The food situation for the poor is getting very serious here now.

The poor sick
Again it is the poor people who get sick first because they are stressed and undernourished. They now get turned back from the Chiredzi hospital because there is no medicine and no government doctors, there are however a few private doctors, but they are far too expensive for these unfortunates. The local chemists in Chiredzi do have some medicines but again much too expensive, so the poor are left to suffer and die. It seems that no one cares, certainly the ZPF government of Zimbabwe does not.

Anger and excitement
It’s hard to find anybody in the Lowveld who is not angry with the ZANU PF party who rule Zimbabwe, everybody is suffering, and those who are lucky enough to have employment are forced to support relatives in the stricken communal areas. Mugabe will only find some support in the Lowveld from those that he has bought with farms and even many of those are saying that they will not vote. Some say that they will vote for Simba Makoni for president, I have also had several well known ZANU PF recipients of farms come to my office and admit the situation cannot carry on like this and so will vote Morgan Tsvangarai. Last week I went into the Chiredzi South Communal areas to do some ground work for the elections and met many people who are A1 settlers on farms. They are admitting that the whole land issue has been handled badly and the only way out now is to vote for the MDC. Simba Makoni is not known here and is being described as a ZANU PF stooge.

In general, people are excited about the coming elections as they give them hope! I cannot see Mugabe even being able to rig the elections in these areas; the people seem to be mobilizing against this government just like they did for Mugabe when they, the people invaded the farms. The ZPF government has saturated the area with troops who are supposed to be on leave but have been told to force the people to vote Mugabe, but it seems that the troops in these areas are not very enthusiastic. A few weeks ago we did have a General arrive at Chikombedzi and threaten people at a meeting saying that if an opposition party won there would be war like they have never seen.

I used to have to work in these areas under the cover of darkness but now it seems that I am able to work in daylight and the people are waving at me.

The campaign is clearly underway. My feet know it. I got my flyer printed on Tuesday, and Wednesday went to the Mutambara/Makoni meet the candidate event at Northside Community Church, organized by Trudy Stevenson.

I arrived early, met some old friends, helped set up a bit, and stood in the car park and handed out my flyer. Quite unashamed. Then sat inside (very small turnout, about 60 people) and listened to the candidates – could not see them, there was no power! Highlights to hear were Margaret Dongo, Trudy herself and Arthur Mutambara. He is a serious academic. Made me feel like I was back in political science class at university. Very good speaker, and definitely smart, (he would do a fine job if he could implement what he says) just not ‘street’ talk.

Thursday day, I went street walking. Did Kensington and Avondale shops, and bits in between. Sore feet for it. The response – very good. People wanted to know who was Michael Laban? I guess they did not expect to see a poor white guy on foot and bicycle handing out his own leaflets. But the people who actually spoke to me will support me! Whether they were just being nice, or will actually put the X down beside my face on the day (if they are able to vote with this confusion), we will know afterwards. (Maybe on the 30th, but I suspect it will take longer than that – who wants to bring me food at the counting station?)

It was sad walking around. Aside from Avondale shops having no power (for two days some told me), the streets are BAD, there is rubbish everywhere (the stickiest lot is the ‘government’) water flows in many places it is not supposed to flow in – but the people are out there, trying to get by. Still friendly, non-violent, bearing up. My first stop was the Police station – maybe taking Openness and Transparency a little far, but thought I should let them know what their next door neighbour is doing – and the man on the desk was not concerned in the least. Accepted the flyer, smiled, wish me a happy day, etc. No sign he feels threatened by political violence in Zimbabwe.

A common question from the floor/street was, “What are you going to give us to vote for you?” It seems that vote buying is expected. After all, they get nothing between elections (not even meetings to express their wants). I just had to explain, I am ex-Zanu PF, and ex-MDC, and proud of it (proud that I have left!), and I do not buy votes. Vote for me now, and we will see if I can make a difference. To society as a whole, not to any individual. (That is why I describe myself as a Socialist.)

I also dropped off leaflets with old hands (who worked for me in the last elections), who want me in again. Which is very gratifying, and I hope indicates I did something right back then.

In the interest of helping people make informed choices for the March 29 election, I’ve been looking for background information on the various presidential candidates and their parties.

The MDC (Tsvangirai) was pretty straightforward. Their policy document is on our site, and their website is updated fairly regularly.

Similarly, Simba Makoni’s website features a range of statements, photographs, and even Makoni’s CV.

I found “really dark horse” presidential candidate Langton Towungana’s phone number on the Telone directory online, of all places. And I was pleasantly surprised when he answered the phone himself. And was completely charming. As sceptical as I am about this election, and as convinced as I am that the “Plan B” – how we defend our vote after its been stolen – is an absolutely critical part of preparing for this election – I do have a soft spot for Towungana. It started when I first heard him in an interview with Studio 7. When asked about his election manifesto, he said “It’s there. But what’s more important than any manifesto is how we turn this economy around.” He reckons he’s on an assignment from God because of Zimbabwe’s “terrible situation.”

But what disappointed me entirely was trying to get some information out of Zanu PF. I saw that the Herald had published the introduction to the Zanu PF manifesto which they launched on 1 March. The investigating I did down various pathways online looking for the manifesto or the Zanu PF site all came up short. So I decided to give them a call. Even though they’re listed in the directory, it took four phone calls to find their correct number (+263 4 774 146). And I ended up having the most gobsmackingly ridiculous conversation with the woman on the other end of the line (who wouldn’t tell me her name). It went something like this:

Me: Hello, my name is Amanda. I’m phoning from Kubatana. I’d really like to find out more about Zanu PF. Please may you tell me your email address.
Her: Why do you want that?
Me: Because I saw that you launched your manifesto last week. I read Mugabe’s introduction to it. I want to send you an email to request that you send me your whole manifesto document and some other information about Zanu PF.
Her: I can’t give that to you.
Me: Why? Is your email down?
Her: Our email is there. But I can’t just give you the address.
Me: Why?
Her: Because I don’t know you. I can’t just give that information out to you without knowing you.
Me: Oh. That’s alright then. How about you just tell me the address for your website. Then I can go and have a look for myself. Maybe I can find your manifesto there?
Her: But who are you?
Me: My name is Amanda. I work at Kubatana. We help Zimbabweans find out more about issues that matter to them, like this upcoming election.
Her: I don’t know you.
Me: That’s alright. What is your website address?
Her: I can’t give that to you.
Me: Do you not have a website?
Her: The website is there. But I can’t just give you that information.
Me: Why not?
Her: Because I don’t know you. I cannot give you this kind of information over the phone. Best we sit down face to face and we see each other and we discuss. And then once I know you I can decide if I want to share this information with you.
Me: So you can’t tell me your website address unless you’ve met me?
Her: Yes.
Me: That’s interesting. Many political parties these days are hoping that people will vote for them. So they are sharing their information with all Zimbabweans so that the people know more about them so that they can win their votes.
Her: Yes they are.
Me: So I’m confused. I don’t understand why you would not want to share this information with me and with others. Why do you have a website if you don’t want people to go and view it?
Her: I don’t care what you think. This is our organisation’s policy. I cannot give you that information.
Me: Really? Not even an email address.
Her: No.
Me: So what is your name?
Her: Why?
Me: So I can come and see you and we meet face to face and then maybe you’re more comfortable giving me your website address.
Her: Why do you want to do that?
Me: So that I can learn more about your party.
Her: You don’t need to know my name.
Me: So then how am I going to come see you?
Her: Good bye.
Me (To the dial tone): Alright then. Thanks ever so much for all your help.

“Let the people’s voice thunder,” Mugabe said in launching the manifesto. But how are you going to thunder if you’re only willing to speak with people you know?

There is palpable excitement in the streets of Bulawayo after Simba Makoni held his first rally here on March 1. When the former finance minister first announced he was throwing his hat in the political ring, public sentiment was that this man was a Zanu PF plant, a creation of the feared Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO). But when the Zanu PF hate-speech machinery went into overdrive, public sentiment appeared to shift with doubting Toms revising their previous positions and opinions about the man who looks set to change Zimbabwe’s post-independence political history.

He has undoubtedly become Mugabe’s closest challenger, and that he has failed to impress Tsvangirai who has also verbally assaulted him with all sorts of epithets after Mugabe said very unflattering things about the man he previously entrusted with the keys to the famous briefcase carried to parliament by ministers of finance to present the national budget.

Bulawayo has traditionally voted MDC since 2000, but ever since the 2005 split, the once powerful political opposition has paled in popularity with disgruntled former supporters feeling the struggle for a better Zimbabwe has been sacrificed at the altar of self-aggrandisement. It is with great interest then to attempt to look through the crystal ball and indulge in some clairvoyance and interrogate and dissect how the voting patterns will be influenced by the coming of Makoni into the presidential race.

Voters here have been apathetic since the drubbing of the MDC in 2000 and 2002, but it is increasingly appearing this is about to change just a few days before the poll. But one also meets lay analysts in the “invisible press” where the public sphere has become a platform where all sorts of theories and philosophies fly fast and furious. I eavesdropped the other day on some chaps at a funeral wake exchanging their insights about the entrance of Makoni into the presidential race and the Bulawayo rally.

The sentiment was this chap is a creation of the aged and senile Robert Mugabe who wants to split the vote by stealing the ballot from Tsvangirai. It is interesting each time the battle for State House is discussed Mutambara is never mentioned, not because he withdrew from the race to make way for Makoni as he claims, but because he has never been recognised as kosher challenger to the presidency by many here. The guys at the wake were convinced Makoni was a CIO plot/creation and for them Tsvangirai remained the only credible challenger to Mugabe.

They said Makoni was a greenhorn in the lonely and mean streets of the old dirty game and was not about to be taken seriously. They questioned why Dumiso Dabengwa who they accept as a “home boy” was with Mugabe a few days before his grand appearance to present Makoni to the people at the March 1 rally. Because these analysts are potential voters for whom like everybody else information is indeed power for them to decide who to vote for, it raises the issue of claims of vote rigging from the opposition, i.e., Makoni, Tsvangirai and the other fellow who everyone seems to be ignoring in the March 2008 discourse. This is because while public sentiment appears to be the mass unpopularity of Mugabe, his claim that he won the crucial poll when everything else points to his first ever electoral humiliation will only be met with curious if not violent reactions.

This therefore begs the issue of not only vote rigging, but importantly votes being split after the so-called democratic forces refused to approach the polls from a united front. But the fact that Makoni has already said he is not aligned to anyone, and Dabengwa having said they are not seeking regime change but leadership change, it means there never was going to be any united challenge to Mugabe as these men have said they are Zanu PF. It would apparently point to the age old frustration among many voters and analysts alike that the opposition will never win the presidency, and if Makoni wins, this will certainly confirm that! After all, they have already said they have not formed a break away party, but rather seek to reform the party after the old guard dug in their heels about making way for fresh blood and therefore steering the country to its former glory as Southern Africa’s second largest economy.

This would then put a man like Tsvangirai in a fix if the reception Makoni has received so far countrywide is anything to go by. Whether Mutambara is a shrewd politician by his many switches and paving the way for Makoni is for history to judge, but then the question among the people has been why he would give way to an avowed Zanu PF “cadre” and take every opportunity to cast one would be a genuine partner in the struggle for Zimbabwe in very bad light?

Therein lies in the confusion that has plagued voters a few weeks before the poll where loyalties have not been decided thus likely to give the ballot to anyone other than Tsvangirai. If men sitting around a fire at a funeral wake can discuss critical issues and cloud them with conspiracies, it would point to opposition politicians having only themselves to blame when the country is further plunged into a voracious vortex once Mugabe wins the ballot by hook or by crook.

I was listening to Studio 7 last week, and I heard the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission’s Chief Operations Officer, Utolile Silaigwana, say that they would only be using translucent ballot boxes in the 29 March election.

This piqued my interest. A friend of mine got a ZEC flyer in her post box the other day, in which, among other things, it said there would be both cardboard ballot boxes and translucent ballot boxes in this election.

But then again, the flyer also had a host of other mistakes, including:

• Blind people will be assisted with their voting by the presiding officer and a Zimbabwe Republic Police Officer. This is not the case. Only the Presiding Officer and two other electoral officers or ZEC employees can assist a voter.
• The four different ballot papers (President, MP, Senator and Councillor) are each supposed to have a different coloured ballot paper. The ZEC flyer says they’ll each be coloured, but doesn’t explain which colour paper is which.
• Legal identification required to cast your ballot is your National ID OR your valid Zimbabwean passport – not both, as the flyer implies, and you don’t need to bring your proof of residence – the flyer my friend got had this bit scribbled out in blue ink!

Clearly, other people have been complaining about these errors. The ZEC has issued a press statement clarifying things, and in his interview, Silaigwana distanced himself from the flyers, saying that the education department handled the flyers, not him.

All this is a worry. When the MDC agreed to the 18th Constitutional Amendment last year in the South African mediated talks between them and Zanu PF, they were criticised for making too many concessions. But, the MDC insisted, it had to agree to the amendment, because it would legislate the ZEC, and enable the commission to start it work in time for the upcoming election. Now the MDC’s lost its foothold, and the ZEC is constituted, but its competence is questionable.

This year’s harmonised election poses an enormous logistical feat. It will feature an estimated 11,000 polling stations, each with four ballot boxes and four different types of ballots, each needing supervision, voters’ rolls, ballot papers, and other supplies. And never mind vote counting and results verification. All this would be difficult enough in a “normal” economy where basics like fuel supplies, electricity, paper and transport were guaranteed. We’re four weeks away, and it’s a pity we can’t have more confidence that the ZEC is up for the challenge.

Contact the ZEC with your concerns – or suggestions – on zecpr@gta.gov.zw