Whoever advises Morgan Tsvangirai must be an academic stuck on definitions and not a strategist grounded in reality. I have consistently argued that Morgan should have contested the run off election. By giving in to his national executive council or advisers and pulling out of the election, he displayed a lack of resolve and leadership and worsened Zimbabwe’s crisis. By his own admission, he wanted to participate but chose consensus over common sense. Even Nelson Mandela, a man renowned for consensus decision making had to enforce his leadership position and negotiate with the apartheid regime on his own during the Pollsmoor years, despite the suspicion and resistance of his long time comrades.

Whether they like it or not, the MDC T’s pulling out of the run off elections, gave Mugabe a legal argument to carry on and be declared victor. The MDC T forgot that they had accepted the results of the parliamentary election which immediately pointed to a government of national unity to more correctly reflect the much touted will of the people. In a hurry to get in to power and bruised from the experience of the court battles from the previous elections, the MDC T enthusiastically endorsed a flawed parliamentary outcome in anticipation of a landslide in the Presidential election. But then, “a week is a long time in politics.” It is my contention that if Morgan had participated in the election, the SADC observers, and the rest of the world would have declared the resultant Mugabe victory null and void because of the conditions on the ground before, during and after the elections. Morgan would have had a stronger hand to negotiate from with the added moral high ground. Morgan did not save any lives by pulling out. He complicated matters for all concerned.

Badly advised both by his colleagues and light weight regional powers, he has put himself between the proverbial rock and a hard place. To compound matters, this hard place has an even harder mediator who is clearly opting for power sharing – something the MDC T agreed to without much strategic thought. Moral high grounds do not win wars as Sadaam Hussein will telegraph you from the grave. The moral battle has long been lost and the people who lost their lives for an outright victory have been betrayed by this weak kneed approach to the rough and tumble of African politics.

The new moral imperative is forget the power plays, sort out the economy and lets get on with our lives. Welshman Ncube’s interview with Basildon Peta is instructive in basic politics and I hope that Morgan, for the sake of the country, realises that it is time to live and sup with the devil because that is practicable. The African people, including us coloureds (God’s forgotten people), will have once more been betrayed by practical issues and lady justice will have no choice but to douse her flame. Is this the nature and pace of societal development? Perhaps, but then that is another topic.

If Mugabe convenes Parliament next week he will violate the recently signed Memorandum of Understanding. Surely this provides an opportunity for united action from both MDC factions? The action being the boycott of the opening of Parliament.

This is a test that Mugabe is setting for the MDC knowing full well that the foundations of the MDC are flimsy and fragile. The scent of a free oxtail and mashed potato lunch after lolling about in Parliament for a few hours will sorely tempt a host of opposition MPs who are likely in it for what they can get. And this doesn’t necessarily equal freedom for Zimbabwe.

If Parliament is convened and if we don’t see united action on the part of both factions of the MDC then Zimbabweans should recognise that we’ve really got our work cut out for us, battling both a bankrupt opposition and a devil of a dictator.

Zimbabweans have waited long enough to pass this economic wilderness. Ever since we voted in the Harmonized Elections on March 29th, 2008, life has become increasingly difficult. And if these political leaders do not reach any meaningful agreement soon life for Zimbabweans will only get worse. Many cannot afford basics like bread, meat, mealie-meal. And as the majority cannot afford school fees to send their children to school, we only hope a quick resolution of the crisis will mean a better life for our children.

In the past week prices of basic commodities in the illegal parallel market shot up as the local currency also made heavy losses against major currencies.

Surely, if the ‘X’ can bring all these hardships then I would never again join that voting queue. If I join a queue for sugar, mealie-meal, cooking oil, fuel, cash, and taxis surely it will be smiles back home among my family. But hey, the ‘X’ queue has given me headaches.

Patience is running thin for many Zimbabweans as seen by the high number of people in the streets of Harare and other suburbs seeking to leave the country to become economic refugees in neighbouring countries. People are leaving in their numbers because they have lost faith in these talks of talks about talks. What has worsened the situation for Zimbabweans is that they do not know what the parties involved were/are talking about because of the media blackout imposed on the negotiating teams. But it is the Zimbabwean people’s fate being discussed so we should really have a right to know what the future will be like.

Hey, here’s something for you to do on a Friday afternoon. Join the Avaaz action and send Mugabe a red card. You can learn more about Avaaz at www.avaaz.org . . .

Click here to send a red card.

Hopes are slipping away for a deal to resolve Zimbabwe’s political crisis. Yesterday, Robert Mugabe announced plans to ignore the ongoing negotiations with the opposition MDC party, form a sham “Government of National Unity” with a breakaway opposition faction, and open parliament next week.

This weekend, when Southern Africa’s 15 leaders, including Mugabe, meet at a major summit in Johannesburg, they will look out upon a sea of red. Thousands of Southern African trade unionists and other citizens will march to the summit waving red cards — the football penalty symbol for expulsion — and call for Mugabe to go. The organisers have appealed to Avaaz for international support, and will carry signs at the march representing the “red cards” sent by Avaaz members.

The region’s powerful trade unions have threatened that unless Southern African leaders take action now, they will refuse to handle goods coming to or from Zimbabwe and will squeeze Mugabe out. A massive march this weekend backed by 100,000 supporters from around the world will be a overwhelming signal to Southern African leaders that they must act now before the crisis becomes even more desperate — to announce that the Mbeki-led negotiations have failed, and to launch a new and fairer negotiating process immediately.

Four and a half months have passed since the people of Zimbabwe voted for Morgan Tsvangirai and the Movement for Democratic Change on 29 March. Hyperinflation has exploded to an unimaginable 40,000,000%, and millions now face starvation. The EU, US, and UK have pledged a $1.9bn financial aid package to stabilise Zimbabwe’s economy, feed the hungry and combat hyperinflation — but only if Mugabe is removed.

Meanwhile, distribution of food aid by local and international humanitarian agencies has been prohibited by Mugabe’s government. Torture camps remain in operation, political violence continues in some rural provinces, and 12 opposition MPs languish in jail on trumped-up charges. The Mbeki-led talks are collapsing, as Mugabe and his military high command insist on retaining control.

The people of Zimbabwe need strong allies willing to take bold action. Already, more than 300,000 Avaaz members — including tens of thousands in Africa — have signed petitions, donated funds, and written to their leaders in global campaigns for democracy and justice. After Avaaz flew a 280-square-metre banner over an Mbeki-chaired United Nations meeting, South Africa finally called for the release of elections results. In April, trade unions and civil society groups including Avaaz led a successful campaign to block a Chinese arms shipment to Zimbabwe. Now, as the crisis accelerates, our voices matter more than ever — we can send an electronic wave of red cards to Johannesburg and bolster the efforts of on-the-ground advocates pressing for change.

Join the global outcry now.

I have kept half an eye (and ear) on the power sharing talks between the two MDC formations and ZANU PF.  I would have loved to have kept my full attention on the talks, but l have a living to earn and needs must. In an earlier piece, l spoke about the need for us to draw lessons from history. Now amid rumours that claim that MDC Mutambara has cut a deal with ZANU PF and with Mutambara calling Tsvangirai “indecisive”, l find l must once again refer to history to draw some very necessary lessons for the negotiators. There was a leader of a party called UANC. He went by the name Bishop Abel Muzorewa. During the years that he was most influential, the country that is now Zimbabwe was then called Rhodesia. Rhodesia was reeling under stiff sanctions imposed on the country (as opposed to individual Zim sanctions) as well as an insurgency by Africans determined to secure black majority rule. The then leader of Rhodesia, one Mr Ian Douglas Smith, decided to come to an agreement with Bishop Abel Muzorewa as well as other nationalists who were then viewed as a “moderate” (as opposed to the “hardliners” Nkomo and Mugabe).  The result was the Internal Settlement and a country with a double barrelled moniker- Zimbabwe Rhodesia. The Bishop was made a Prime Minister while the real power remained in the hands of Smith and his merry band of renegades who retained control of the country’s civil service, judiciary, police and armed forces.

I will pause here to draw (somewhat simplified) parallels between our dear Bishop and Mr Mutambara. Over the short history of his party, he has carefully cultivated the demeanour as the cultured, reasonable and educated one. He has tried to sell us the image of one who is leading a group of rational beings (as opposed to the militant and irrational (he would now have us believe) Tsvangirai). I am sure these and other reasons are also why Bishop Muzorewa was perceived as a moderate by Smith and Co. The Bishop spoke the same language that Mr. Mutambara speaks now; broad and lofty phrases that are an attempt by that faction of the MDC to sell the image of a visionary leader who can rise above petty party differences. “All parties must work together and put national interests above petty and personal interests”

Now l am not sure l can believe everything that the Herald says, but if the agreements that were publicised in the Herald of the 14th August are anything to go by, then l am not sure that the public is buying what Mr. Mutambara is trying to sell.  The Internal Settlement was rejected by all and sundry. It was not a legitimate reflection of the will of the majority of the people. I am willing to bet my last dollar (revalued) that any settlement between Mutambara and ZANU PF that does not reflect the will of the people will also be rejected. I am certain that just as Mugabe in his previous incarnation as a nationalist found the prospect of a Smith-controlled army and police force unpalatable, we will also find the continued occupation by Chihuri, Chiwenga et al of their present posts similarly distasteful. If the then nationalist leaders could not stomach the idea of Smith holding the strings while Muzorewa danced like a puppet, then why should they expect Tsvangirai to bend over backwards to  accommodate ZANU PF?

Smith’s deal with Muzorewa was also an attempt to divide and conquer the nationalists. I am also certain that the reason why ZANU PF and the Herald have been speaking so glowingly of Mutambara and his faction’s co-operation and decisiveness in the talks is an attempt to divide and thereby conquer the opposition. With the Internal Settlement the two major leaders of the nationalist movement Nkomo and Mugabe were united in their rejection of the settlement. Muzorewa accepted the offer that was dangled in front of him. We all know what happened to him. If Mr. Mutambara wants to go ahead and cut deals and secure positions for himself and his team within a Mugabe-controlled government, then l have three words for him; “Josiah Zion Gumede.” He was the President in Muzorewa’s ill-fated government. He held that office from 1st June 1979-12 December 1979. Good luck Mr. Mutambara. Really.

Zimbabwe’s negotiations feel like they’re coming off a Beckett script – going from the ridiculous to the absurd. A recent sketch by Alex Magaisa sums it up better than any news report could – not that you can believe news reports anyway . . .

Prudence: Karigamombe has fallen! Did you hear?

Funny: Are you sure? Who said that?

Reason: You are so yesterday, my friend! It’s everywhere! Everyone is saying Karigamombe fell last night. You are the only one in Jerusalem who does not know what has happened!

Funny: You talk too much, guys. But tell me, where are we right now?

Prudence: Is that not obvious? I thought you are the one who called and said let’s meet paKarigamombe? That’s why we are here and now you ask where are we? Trying to run away from the issue, are we?

Funny: So, tell me my friends, if Karigamombe fell last night, as you say you have seen everywhere, on TV, on the Internet, from friends and impeccable sources, when exactly did Karigamombe rise again? Because, as you yourself have just said, we are here at Karigamombe. Or is it a modern-day miracle, that Karigamombe fell just last night and has now risen so swiftly?

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