With the objective of obtaining information about the implementation of the Global Peace Agreement and to provide support to civil society organizations in disseminating information on the Inclusive Government to as many Zimbabweans as possible, the Mass Public Opinion Institute (MPOI) conducted a public opinion survey in Zimbabwe.

The survey, which was conducted in August 2010, had a sample size of 1000 people and it focused on the following issues:

- Performance of the Inclusive Government

- Media

- Inclusive Government’s policies and priorities

- Constitution-making

- Parties’ commitment to the Inclusive Government

- Macro and economic evaluations

- Performance of State Institutions

- Partisan Affiliation

In its efforts to restore the economy, results show that 48% of people interviewed think that the Inclusive Government is doing well in terms of restoring the economy. A lot of people felt that the economy had improved in the past twelve months and one in ten people think the economic condition had deteriorated.

But on free political activity, 35% had a negative view on the government’s performance.

In 2010 COPAC embarked on constitution making consultations around Zimbabwe and a lot of people acknowledge that they heard about COPAC but in terms of giving education to people on the constitution, people felt that COPAC failed dismally as 69% of people say they did not receive education on constitution making process.

From the observations, 51% of the respondents had a negative view about the trust they have in the security forces as protectors of human rights. 32% view the performance of the security forces in a positive light saying that they are executing their duties in a fairly good way.

The much publicized Indigenization and Economic Empowerment Act has gained popularity especially among males, recording 32% people saying it’s a good policy.

Though a lot people can receive radio signal, in some parts of the country some people still can’t access a TV signal. With ZBC still exercising its monopoly on the airwaves and the continued bombardment of political messages from ZANU PF the survey showed a lot of bias towards one party in terms of fair play on campaigning material being played on radio.

To measure the response on political affiliation, MPOI asked: If you were to vote for a Parliamentary candidate of choice, which party will that candidate belong to?”  Since this issue is very sensitive most people in the survey were not comfortable to have their views shared in public. 24 % of people responded saying their vote is their secret and 17 percent did not want to comment. In this category MDC T commands 32 % and ZANU PF has 18 % though when asked who has real power it came out that the President still has a lot of power in the GPA

According to each sector touched on by the survey it shows an information gap where people who profess ignorance on issues related to the Inclusive Government also lack the freedom to express their views in public.

I believe the organ on National healing and reconciliation still has a long way to go in making its work known by people since only 11% of people interviewed think the organ is doing a good work as compared to 67% who are not sure.

Zimbabwe is abuzz with talk of elections and the referendum. It seems the electorate will have a very busy year ahead of them. I must confess that I don’t count myself among the electorate; I’ve never registered to vote.

I imagine I’m not the only youth aged 18 to 35 who hasn’t registered to vote. Neither am I the only one who isn’t remotely inclined. Answer me this MKD, ZAPU, ZANU PF and MDC-whoever, why should I bother to vote?

Voting is supposed to be part of a democratic process where, after much consideration of the available candidates, a citizen may choose one whom he or she feels most addresses their issues. But after much consideration of the candidates available to me, frankly, I’d rather not participate. I do want change; I do want to be a part of something greater than myself. I have high hopes for Zimbabwe, but I find that these hopes are often choked by the reality of my day-to-day existence.

Everyday I am confronted by a kind of lawlessness. >From the Kombi drivers, who know no rules, to businessmen who shamelessly ransom basic necessities citing mythological taxes. And what are my City Councillor and Member of Parliament, who promised me a return to the Sunshine City in the Bread Basket of Africa doing about this? Nothing. When I read about ministers who unashamedly steal in broad daylight, and get away with it, it begins to make sense, none of these people care about me, or this country.

Once when I was younger, and caught up in an idealistic fervour I did believe that I could make a difference. That my vote was my right, and that my government was accountable to me and anyone else who answered to mwanawevhu. I am wiser now. Promises are made, and when the dust has settled, and the slogan charged rallies have ended they are forgotten.

I’m sure the people who cast their ballots in 2005 were full of hope that an election would bring water to their houses, doctors to their clinics, cheaper food into the shops and teachers back to their children’s schools. It didn’t. In 2008 they were beaten for taking the trouble, and their situation became worse. Why then would I want to participate in a process that legitimises the illegitimate, gives power to those without conscience and seems to only bring pain and suffering?

I am young, but I am no longer idealistic. I watched with envy Obama’s election campaign, as scores of young peopled chanted ‘yes we can’ marching in the streets on TV. They felt a sense of ownership of their country that I did once. I know better now. This is Mugabe’s Zimbabwe, and should he ever win, it will become Morgan’s Zimbabwe, but it will never be mine.

Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights launched a report today titled Zimbabwe: Geared up for another election. The report is a follow up to another ZHLR report titled Will there be free and fair elections?

ZLHR’s objective in conducting the study that culminated in this report was to assess the 2008 election and the possibility of future elections in Zimbabwe. The report uses the SADC Principles and guidelines to Democratic elections as a yardstick to measure the level of compliance of Zimbabwe’s electoral framework and its adherence to norms and standards, which the SADC community has recognised as minimum requirements to ensure democratic elections.

In the report, ZLHR notes that the Lancaster House Constitution, amended 18 times before the 2008 elections, does not protect fundamental rights and freedoms; nor does it establish independent institutions that are accountable, transparent and independent.

At the signing of the Global Political Agreement and the formation of the Inclusive government the generality of Zimbabweans were hopeful that this was the beginning of a journey towards a democratic dispensation. Crucial to the creation of that democracy was a new constitution. However, the report noted that people were unable to participate freely in the constitution-making process because of the continued existence of repressive legislation. Private media was suffocated and the public media was under the control of retrogressive forces. Selective application of the law targeting human rights defenders, and perceived and real supporters of the MDC is still rampant, and institutions of justice delivery remained unreformed. Two years after elections and the singing of the GPA, cases of political violence continue to be documented, and the polarisation of society that marred the 2008 Election has not been addressed.

In his presentation at the launch, ZLHR member, Alec Muchadehama reflected on the 2008 elections. He noted that the 2008 elections had been characterised by extreme violence; electoral fraud and malpractice; the denial of freedoms of expression and assembly; bribery and corruption; and murder. He also chronicled the trials he endured as a lawyer defending human rights, including the illegal opening of ballot boxes, gerrymandering and the restriction of public access to the voters roll by ZANU PF. Mr. Muchadehama noted that Zimbabwe, during that election was a “classical example of how not to [conduct elections]“.

If we are to have elections next year, we want UN and EU to come and observe the elections…what does it take for them to come and protect us? If it is money, we villagers in Muzarabani are prepared to sell our chickens and goats to pay them to come. We cannot have a repetition of 2008 where SADC observers were relaxing in hotels while we got beaten here!
- Mr Goto, during one of Heal Zimbabwe’s meetings at Machaya village Muzarabani

Kubatana recently received this interesting opinion from Arkmore Kori:

I object to violence because when it appears to do good, the good is only temporary; the evil it does is permanent. (Mohandas Gandhi).

Recent political developments such as the impasse concerning the Government of National Unity with only four months before it expires and the constitutional stalemate have made it fashionable to talk about elections as the only solution to the Zimbabwean crisis.

Many, including Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, believe that with the help of the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), the African Union (AU) and the United Nations, peaceful elections are possible. Some have even called for either regional or international stakeholders to be deployed in Zimbabwe to safeguard peace during election time.

But our experience shows that SADC and the AU are powerless to stop any political or election violence in Zimbabwe. When they came for the June 2008 run-off, they just ‘observed’ both elections and the accompanying violence with the mild conclusion: ‘elections were not free and fair!’ In fact, it’s a bit ambitious to expect SADC or AU to make Zimbabwe a better place. President Mugabe did not join SADC, but is the only surviving founder of then Frontline States, which changed into the Southern Africa Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) before becoming SADC. This means he has a lot of influence in regional decision-making. At the same time, it’s SADC that advises AU on regional issues, including the Zimbabwean question. This means any decision made on Zimbabwe at either regional or continental level, is indirectly made by Mugabe.

Indeed, except for Operation Gukurahundi of the 1980s, which had an external influence in the substance of North Korea, the political and electoral violence that has been occurring in Zimbabwe, particularly after the year 2000, has been home grown. It has been organised and perpetrated by four community based conglomerates – traditional leaders, war veterans, youth militias and the ‘women’s league’ – that work together.

Against their traditional role of safeguarding our culture, providing food to the needy (remember Zunde Ramambo?), mediating conflicts and preserving peace, traditional leaders have become an extension of the deteriorating ZANU PF structures. Their mandate in Zimbabwe’s internal conflict is ‘selling out’, pin-pointing and compiling lists of ZANU PF opponents for the salaries and numerous benefits, including houses, vehicles and electrification provided at the tax payers’ expense. The youth are responsible for administering the list of opponents and effecting ‘punishment’ according to instructions they receive from war veterans. The ‘women’s league’ provides moral support: ululating, singing and clapping during torture or murder sessions.

The way forward is to destroy this network. The removal of the youth from this violence equation would make elections safer. Real war veterans and traditional leaders are too old to torture or kill. Recently in Bikita the youth refused to be ‘used’ in violence by war veterans. Communities must discourage the youth from cooperating with violence mongers. Instead, the youth should become the defenders of their communities against the ‘intrusion’ and violence, especially caused by ‘imported youth’ from other villages or districts.

Surely, we don’t need SADC, AU, United Nations or international forces to stop us from beating or killing one another?

Aids Free World has released their report Electing to rape: Sexual terror in Mugabe’s Zimbabwe. Based on interviews with 72 survivors and witnesses, and documentation of 380 rapes, the report describes the deliberate, systematic use of rape as a campaign tactic by Zanu PF.

According to their press release:

The testimony demonstrates that the rape campaign waged by ZANU-PF in Zimbabwe was both widespread and systematic, with recurring patterns throughout that cannot be coincidental. For example, the striking similarity of rhetoric about MDC political activity made before and during the violence; the uniform physical and emotional brutality of the rapes; the specific types of beatings and weapons on common parts of the body; the modes of detention and locations of the rapes; the circumstances and concurrent crimes as part of the broader attacks; and the consistent refusal of police to investigate and refer these cases for prosecution, taken together, demonstrate a systematic, organized campaign.

Read more here