Today is the first day of a stay away called by the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU). I’ve had a bit of a drive around Harare and things seem slower but most businesses have opened – business as usual.

One of the emails I received today includes this information

We have been made to sweep the road with bare hands by the police and soldiers.

So restaurants continue to sell their sandwiches in the suburban shopping centre where I work, while late last night the police were hard at it making sure that Zimbabweans living in high density areas knew better than to stay away.

The workers of Zimbabwe on the front line of both state brutality and economic oppression deserve a clearer demonstration of solidarity from us all, especially business leaders who won’t engage either the courage or the leadership to support the stay away.

I’ve heard people say, “East, west, north or south, home is best” but I never bothered to analyze this statement until recently when I had an opportunity to cross the border into the Batswanaland. This is the only time I was made to think of where I come from and who I am really.

I am truly a Mabvuku resident and have learnt to be proud of this fact. I was born in the impoverished eastern high density suburb where some even query whether it is part of the sunshine city, Harare. Why? You see a poster that bids you farewell soon after Msasa along the Mutare road even before you get to the turn-off which leads to Mabvuku. This in itself shows that by just passing that poster one is now out of Harare and some will then argue that Mabvuku and Tafara are connected to the capital city through the ‘back door’. This is somehow supported by a historical fact which related to the setting up of the low income townships to provide housing for labourers, housemaids and garden ‘boys’.This was supposedly to satisfy those whites who stayed in the posh eastern suburbs.

In my childhood days, I used to visit my uncles and grandparents in the rural areas. It was like I had a tag that said, “Coming from Harare” on my shirt. That was then and this was because of the state of the city which earned the name, ‘sunshine city’. Everybody loved to be in the city. Back then city life was adored by everyone. The standard of living was good and almost everyone could afford to buy a loaf of bread, butter, a bottle of coke or a pint of beer and that was life in the city. I also remember back in the days when Dairibord salesmen used to drop a bottle of milk at our doorstep and nobody dared disappearing with the bottle. It was so easy and simple and this used to happen in the high density suburb of Mabvuku. The good things happening in the city attracted most of my friends who used to live in the rural areas and there was an exodus of the youths into the city. I can no longer meet with my friends when I go back to my village. Why? Because of the migration of people who were attracted by the sunshine city.

Mabvuku has not been spared from the spate of economic and social disasters affecting Zimbabwe. Apart from the national issues, my homeland has been seriously affected with massive power cuts, sewerage bursts running for months, acute water shortages threatening health disasters and several other social problems. The severity of the economic situation in the country has not spared my homeboys and, just like what happened in the rural areas, Mabvuku is going to wake one day a vacant place especially when it comes to my age group, the working class. People of my age are now scuttling and pursuing perilous moves crossing the borders of Zimbabwe in search of ‘greener pastures’ in our neighbouring countries. Most of them have made an oath of not returning to this country until there is a nirvana.

Last week we had the pleasure of having a distant aunt (currently resident in Zambia) visit us in Zimbabwe. It was during my conversations with her about the situation in her country that I could not help but remark at the stark similarities between Zimbabwe and Zambia between the years 1964 to 1991 when Kaunda finally lost the presidential election to Chiluba.

Before I plunge into a few similarities, there are a few words this aunt of ours shared that I found not only scary but very touching. If we think Mugabe is a dictator, Kaunda was black Hitler. If we think basic commodities are expensive, we ought to know that during Kaunda’s reign – there were no commodities at all on the shelves, moreover the currency itself was scarce. But above and beyond all, Zambia survived it all, albeit after 27 years of iron fisted rule. When God decides it’s enough, it’s enough.

President Kaunda ruled for 27 years and did not allow any opposition, banning all ‘unlawful’ demonstrations. Sound familiar? Mugabe has similarly ruled for 27 straight years, and has made it difficult for opposition parties to form and operate.

In 1972 Kaunda officially outlawed all opposition parties. For a while, political rallies were banned in Zimbabwe which in essence was a clear signal that the so-called opposition was not allowed any freedom to communicate with their supporters.

In 1975 the world copper market collapsed, plunging Zambia’s economy into devastation. Chaos reigned supreme with the cost of living sky-rocketing. Violent protests resulted in a number of deaths, unprecedented price hikes that led to more rioting and finally a coup attempt against Kaunda. Kaunda was forced to move Zambia towards multi party democracy. Almost similarly, in Zimbabwe the ‘fast- track’ land reform programme put into place in the year 2000, is said to have fueled or hugely contributed to the beginning of the collapse of one of Africa’s most stable economies of all time. Currently, the parallel market is running riot, so are inflation, prices of commodities and practically everything including people. The once docile and peace-loving Zimbos have suddenly put on an unfamiliar coat of violence. Petrol bombings, outward dissent and the assault of once feared and well respected uniformed forces are occurring. We are yet to see the effects of this new behaviour.

Now it is often said that those who do not learn from history are bound to repeat it. Post colonial Africa has indeed followed a carefully crafted script. I came across a paragraph that highlighted this:

African nationalists, such as Julius Nyerere, Kenneth Kaunda, Hastings Banda and Robert Mugabe – who won independence for their countries from white colonial rule, were all applauded. They were hailed as heroes, swept into power with huge parliamentary majorities, and deified. Statues were built for them, monuments, stadia and streets named after them. Currencies bore their portraits. They heaped vainglorious epithets upon themselves, Osagyefo, the Guide, the Messiah, the Redeemer and the teacher. They brooked no criticism. Criticizing them was sacrilegious. Newspapers that did so were banned and their editors jailed. Next, they used their parliamentary majorities to subvert their constitutions, outlaw opposition parties and declare their countries “one party state” and themselves, presidents-for-life. Some even vowed to transform their countries into Marxist-Leninist states. Even a moron could see clearly that Marx and Lenin were not black Africans or bore no affinity with black African culture.

When I consider the president’s current “go- hang” policy, coupled with the frantic efforts our uniformed forces are making to thwart voices of dissent, it all smacks of panic. If Zambia could survive the worst, we can too. As a people, we are probably heading in the right direction if we continue to confront the issues affecting us head on.

Maybe its how journalists and the media are paraphrasing Tsvangirai but I’d like him (or them) to get rid of two words. Threaten and Warn.

How many times have we heard Tsvangirai threaten to boycott an election? Now he’s at it again. Whether he’ll follow through is anyone’s guess.

He’s also hauled out the W word and he’s “warning” South Africa that unless they help sort out Zimbabwe then the World Cup Football due to be held in South Africa in 2010 will suffer.

If pressed (and why don’t journalists do a better job of this) I wonder what Tsvangirai would ask Mbeki to do? Possibly he’s delivered his list of demands to Mbeki in person but somehow I doubt it.

A couple of letters published in this week’s Mail & Guardian give Tsvangirai some pointers.

Christopher Merrett from Pietermartizburg suggests

Financial sanctions played an important part in forcing the apartheid government of South Africa to the negotiating table. Zimbabwe owes South Africa a reputed R2,4-billion for electricity. Now is the moment to call in the debt or switch off the power; and remove other financial lifelines.

And a group of South Africans who were involved in the Apartheid struggle recommend that the South African government

explicitly condemn the violent actions being undertaken in the name of Zanu-PF and the Zimbabwean government

end all defence force, security and intelligence collaboration

cease supplies of all military hardware, spares and servicing

cease to roll over all official loans to Zimbabwe

respond sympathetically to asylum requests from genuine Zimbabwean refugees

use South Africa’s influence in multilateral forums, ranging from SADC to the African Union and the United Nations, to increase the isolation of the Zimbabwean government

freeze the assets in South Africa of Zimbabwean officials and party leaders who have been implicated in repression and violence

These might do well as measurable concrete demands. Tsvangirai then needs to set a deadline for response. In the meantime hopefully he and his team will have worked out how exactly they intend to “blight” the World Cup Football in 2010.

Last night when I was rummaging through my bathroom cupboard looking for a Maternity Sanitary Pad I was mulling Stephen Gowans recent article Zimbabwe’s Lonely Fight for Justice. And the word that stuck in my mind was “insulting”.

Years ago, whilst the so-called first world was inventing all sorts of groovy new sanitary pads (with wings, extra absorbency, invisibility etc) here in Zimbabwe I’d specifically trawl supermarket shelves looking for our locally made maternity sanitary pads. They were soft and chunky, guaranteed to keep you safe from overnight blood spills even if the bulk between your legs meant you walked like a sumo wrestler. But over the years our maternity sanitary pads have been getting skinnier and thinner. Just like our country where hyperinflation and unemployment have meant that many people are on the the edge of starvation.

These days I have to pull maternity sanitary pads from side to side in an effort to fluff out the cotton wool. Trouble is when I do this holes appear . . . a bit like the dangerous holes in Stephen’s argument.

Writing such a one-sided piece where he comes across looking like a member of Mugabe’s fan club diminishes the necessary objectivity which is needed to be taken seriously. Let’s have a look at some of what Stephen doesn’t comment on:

- the devastating Operation Murambatsvina
- Gukuruhundi and the killing on thousands in Matabeleland
- the re-colonisation of Zimbabwe since Mugabe came to power
- the appalling drop in the life expectancy of Zimbabweans
- the mass exodus of Zimbabweans
- hyperinflation, unemployment and price controls

And there’s lots more of course.

Stephen makes absolutely no attempt to examine Mugabe and Zanu PF’s role in the demise of Zimbabwe. Rather he blames everything on scary imperialist forces, sanctions and an inauthentic opposition. Conveniently simplistic.

I’m not saying that the opposition and the donor community shouldn’t be criticised. Truth be told I have my issues with the opposition in Zimbabwe – I’m not a member of anyone’s fan club. I stand for the ordinary Zimbabwean who, under the Mugabe government, cannot get a job, adequate medical care, or feed themselves and is constantly under the threat of state violence, often for simply having a different point of view.

Particularly distasteful was part of Stephen’s conclusion where he says

Some people might deplore the methods used, but considering the actions and objectives of the opposition – and what’s at stake – the crackdown has been both measured and necessary.

This made another phrase come to mind – Fucking Foreigner. I wonder when last Stephen left Ottawa and actually visited and spoke with the people of the countries that he analyses?

Come over here Stephen and chat with ordinary folk – women who can’t buy menstrual protection, mothers who can’t feed their children, and opposition activists who have their arms broken.

Speak with Zanu PF supporters as well and you’ll find that they too are angry with Mugabe, the once respected liberation hero.

Zimbabweans who ventured out of home this Sunday morning will have been greeted by the front page news in The Standard of more officially sanctioned violence by members of the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP).

What they wouldn’t know at this juncture is that all 9 detainees bludgeoned whilst in police custody and ordered off to hospital by the presiding magistrate, were last night abducted around 11pm from their hospital beds. An army doctor and a clutch of men in the ubiquitous blue uniforms of youth militia forced the injured into prison garb and dragged them off to destinations not known at this stage. Why? Under what authority were they acting?

Ostensibly our law enforcement agents are trying to bring the perpetrators of a series of petrol bombing incidents to book. They must do this at 11pm at night?

In a normal democracy, there is a separation of powers to ensure that no single arm of governance overreaches its authority. In a normal democracy the police would be out of line. But here they have been given carte blanche to do whatever it takes to beat Zimbabwe’s citizens into submission.

Now, according to the public face presented by SADC’s leaders, Zimbabwe’s democracy is functioning within the norms set by the region. (They meet every so often to TALK about Zimbabwe, but to-date they have taken no single action that has made a positive difference to Mugabe’s style of governance). So, if democracy is alive and well in Zimbabwe, we should be able to expect robust political debate and active organizing – especially with elections looming in 2008, right? If the opposition wants to hold public rallies and publish printed materials and distribute party regalia, that’s all very normal – in a functioning democracy, right? If the economy is on its knees and 80% of the population is unemployed, labour has a right (actually an obligation) to organize and protest around the crisis, yes?

Sadly, the beatings and abductions, the hide and seek games played with detainees, the overt non-compliance with court orders, the thuggery of the state’s agents, the banning of public meetings, the shambolic voters’ roll, the biased registration of new voters etc all shout the truth – there is no democracy in Zimbabwe.

Until and unless the region’s leaders speak out publicly and definitively against the tactics employed by Zimbabwe’s government, we have to deduce that they tacitly agree with them. This would lead us logically on to the realisation that the SADC leadership have more in common with Mugabe than they would have us otherwise believe. What a horrible thought – investors and donors, please take note.